by Jeffrey Steinberg
May 27, 2003
The report provided a brief history: "The Synarchist movement
is an international movement born after the Versailles Treaty,
which was financed and directed by certain financial groups
belonging to the top international banking community. Its aim
is essentially to overthrow in every country, where they exist,
the parliamentary regimes which are considered insufficiently
devoted to the interests of these groups and therefore, too
difficult to control because of the number of persons required
to control them.
"SME proposes therefore to substitute them by authoritarian
regimes more docile and more easily manueverable. Power would
be concentrated in the hands of the CEOs of industry and in
designated representatives of chosen banking groups for each
country. In a word, the idea is to give to each country a
political constitution and an appropriate national economic
structure organized for the following purposes:
"1. Place the political power directly into the hands of chosen
people and eliminate all intermediaries. 2. Establish a maximum
concentration of industries and suppress all unwarranted
competition. 3. Establish an absolute control of prices of all
goods (raw materials, semi-finished or finished goods). 4.
Create judicial and social institutions that would prevent all
extremes of action."...
In 1922, Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi launched the Pan
European Union, at a founding convention in Vienna, attended by
more than 6,000 delegates. Railing against the "Bolshevist
menace" in Russia, the Venetian Count called for the
dissolution of all the nation-states of Western Europe and the
erection of a single, European feudal state, modeled on the
Roman and Napoleonic empires. "There are Europeans,"
Coudenhove-Kalergi warned, who are "naïve enough to believe
that the opposition between the Soviet Union and Europe can be
bridged by the inclusion of the Soviet Union in the United
States of Europe. These Europeans need only to glance at the
map to persuade themselves that the Soviet Union in its
immensity can, with the help of the [Communist] Third
International, very quickly prevail over little Europe. To
receive this Trojan horse into the European union would lead to
perpetual civil war and the extermination of European culture.
So long, therefore, as there is any will to survive subsisting
in Europe, the idea of linking the Soviet Union with Pan Europe
must be rejected. It would be nothing less than the suicide of
Europe."
Elsewhere, Coudenhove-Kalergi echoed the contemporaneous
writings of British Fabian Roundtable devotees H.G. Wells and
Lord Bertrand Russell, declaring: "This eternal war can end
only with the constitution of a world republic.... The only way
left to save the peace seems to be a politic of peaceful
strength, on the model of the Roman Empire, that succeeded in
having the longest period of peace in the west thanks to the
supremacy of his legions."
The launching of the Pan European Union was bankrolled by the
Venetian-rooted European banking family, the Warburgs. Max
Warburg, scion of the German branch of the family, gave
Coudenhove-Kalergi 60,000 gold marks to hold the founding
convention. Even more revealing, the first mass rally of the
Pan European Union in Berlin, at the Reichstag, was addressed
by Hjalmar Schacht, later the Reichsbank head, Economics
Minister and chief architect of the Hitler coup. A decade
later, in October 1932, Schacht delivered a major address
before another PanEuropa event, in which he assured
Coudenhove-Kalergi and the others, "In three months, Hitler
will be in power.... Hitler will create PanEuropa. Only Hitler
can create PanEuropa."
According to historical documents, Italy's Fascist dictator
Benito Mussolini was initially skeptical about the PanEuropa
idea, but was "won over" to the scheme, following a meeting
with Coudenhove-Kalergi, during which, in the Count's words, "I
gave him a complete harvest of Nietzsche's quotes for the
United States of Europe.... My visit represented a shift in the
behavior of Mussolini towards PanEuropa. His opposition
disappeared."
At the founding congress of the Pan European Union in Vienna,
the backdrop behind the podium was adorned with portraits of
the movement's leading intellectual icons: Immanuel Kant,
Napoleon Bonaparte, Giuseppe Mazzini, and Friedrich Nietzsche.
Bankers' Fascism
The pivotal role of Schacht in the Hitler coup and in the Pan
European Union, highlights a critical dimension of the
universal fascist scheme: the top-down role of the financial
"overworld" and its banking technocrats. By all historical
accounts, Schacht was the architect, in 1930, of the Bank for
International Settlements (BIS), along with the Bank of
England's Montagu Norman. Historian Carroll Quigley, in his
epic book, Tragedy and Hope—A History of the World in Our Time
(New York: MacMillan Company, 1966), described the BIS scheme
to establish a dictatorship over world finance:
"The powers of financial capital had another far-reaching aim,
nothing less than to create a world system of financial control
in private hands able to dominate the political system of each
country and the economy of the world as a whole. This system
was to be controlled in a feudalist fashion by the central
banks of the world acting in concert, by secret agreements
arrived at in frequent private meetings and conferences. The
apex of the system was to be the Bank for International
Settlements in Basle, Switzerland, a private bank owned and
controlled by the world's central banks which were themselves
private corporations. Each central bank, in the hands of men
like Montagu Norman of the Bank of England, Benjamin Strong of
the New York Federal Reserve Bank, Charles Rist of the Bank of
France, and Hjalmar Schacht of the Reichsbank, sought to
dominate its government by its ability to control Treasury
loans, to manipulate foreign exchanges, to influence the level
of economic activity in the country, and to influence
cooperative politicians by subsequent economic rewards in the
business world."
Quigley highlighted the role of Schacht's closest ally in the
BIS scheme, Bank of England Governor Norman, who headed the
privately owned British institution for an unprecedented 24
years (1920-44). "Norman was a strange man," Quigley reported,
"whose mental outlook was one of successfully suppressed
hysteria or even paranoia. He had no use for governments and
feared democracy. Both of these seemed to him to be threats to
private banking, and thus to all that was proper and precious
in human life. Strong-willed, tireless, and ruthless, he viewed
his life as a kind of cloak-and-dagger struggle with the forces
of unsound money which were in league with anarchy and
Communism."
Montagu Norman and Hjalmar Schacht personified the banking
overworld, that bankrolled and installed Hitler and the Nazis
in power, in pursuit of their larger, universal fascist scheme.
Even more damning were the profiles of Schacht and Norman and
their role in the Hitler project, in The Hitler Book, by a
Schiller Institute research team, headed by Helga Zepp-LaRouche
(New York: New Benjamin Franklin House, 1984):
"The BIS, nominally set up after the breakdown of 'normal'
international financial relations in order to prevent a
downward spiraling of international payments, in fact finished
off the hapless Weimar Republic by its stern refusal to come to
the help of a virtually bankrupt Germany in the crucial summer
of 1931, after the Danat Bank collapse had brought the whole
nation to its knees. Schacht, who had been a member of the
original BIS team and was to return to its board from 1933
through 1938, had been campaigning since his 1930 resignation
as head of the Reichsbank, for Anglo-American support for a
takeover by the NSDAP [Nazi Party] and its leader, Herr Hitler.
He had resigned on March 7, 1930 and the BIS was formally
established in June. In September, he was off to London and the
United States, to 'sell' the Nazi option to the Anglo-American
leadership, notably Bank of England governor and BIS director
Montagu Norman, and the already influential Dulles brothers of
Sullivan & Cromwell law firm, one of America's most
influential—and the attorneys for IG Farben, and many other
large German companies and provincial governments. Schacht's
Hamburg friend and colleague, patrician Nazi Gerhard Westrick,
ran the correspondent law firm to Dulles's in Germany."
On March 16, 1933, a grateful Hitler brought Schacht back as
head of the Reichsbank, explained The Hitler Book. A year
later, Schacht was made Economics Minister. "Now, the BIS was
going to help the Third Reich—by 1939 it had no less than
several hundred million Swiss gold francs invested in Germany.
On the BIS board were Baron Kurt von Schröder, by now a general
in the SS Death's Head Brigade; Dr. Hermann Schmitz of IG
Farben—whom Schacht had trained at the imperial economics
ministry from 1915 on—and, later, Hitler's two personal
appointees, Walter Funk and Emil Puhl of the Reichsbank."
File: 'Synarchist/Nazi-Communist'
The larger universal fascist schema, into which the
Norman-Schacht "Hitler project" fit, was well known to leading
American intelligence, military, and diplomatic figures of the
Franklin Roosevelt era, who maintained exhaustive files under
such headings as "Synarchist/Nazi-Communist."
U.S. government archives from the FDR era, which were made
available to EIR researchers, feature extensive intelligence
reports on the international fascist plots, from the files of
the U.S. State Department; U.S. Army Intelligence and Navy
Intelligence; and the Coordinator of Information (COI), and its
successor, the Office of Strategic Services (OSS). These files
are of immediate relevance today, given the ongoing coup d'état
in Washington by the disciples of Leo Strauss, Alexandre
Kojève, and Carl Schmitt inside the George W. Bush
Administration. Kojève and Schmitt were leading figures in the
wartime "Synarchist" conspiracy, and they personified the
perpetuation of that universal fascist plan and apparatus into
the postwar period.
Already, following EIR's lead, major American and European
newspapers have identified such putschists as Paul Wolfowitz,
Abram Shulsky, William Kristol, John Ashcroft, Steve Cambone,
and Gary Schmitt as the offspring of the late University of
Chicago Prof. Leo Strauss; Strauss, in turn, was the life-long
collaborator and promoter of Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt, official
Nazi philosopher and Nietzsche revivalist Martin Heidegger, and
French Synarchist Alexandre Kojève—all unabashed advocates of
tyranny as the only appropriate form of government. Although
the May 4 Sunday New York Times feature off-handedly mentions
Kojève as Strauss's colleague, without further identification,
all of the major media coverage has been sanitized of any
discussion of the overtly fascist/Synarchist roots of the
Straussian creed.
Nevertheless, there are growing indications that some elements
within the U.S. political institutions—particularly the
military and intelligence communities, which comprise an
important element of what Lyndon LaRouche refers to as "the
institution of the U.S. Presidency"—are waking up to the cruel
reality that a small group of universal fascists has seized the
reins of power and is steering an ill-equipped President George
W. Bush, the United States, and the rest of the world into a
maelstrom of perpetual war and chaos.
A timely review of the history of the 20th-Century Synarchists
is, therefore, in order, to enable those political circles
already shocked into action, to understand the nature of the
enemy, and exploit the greatest weakness of these Straussian
would-be putschists—their open embrace of universal fascism,
otherwise known as "Synarchism."
The Langer Study
As EIR reported on May 9 ("Dick Cheney Has a French
Connection—To Fascism"), in 1947, OSS veteran and Harvard Prof.
William L. Langer assembled the official history of the
Roosevelt Administration's dealings with Vichy France. Our
Vichy Gamble was based on an exhaustive review of wartime
archives, buttressed by interviews with top American officials,
including OSS head Gen. William Donovan and President Franklin
Roosevelt himself.
Langer minced no words in discussing the Synarchist circles in
Vichy France. Referring to Adm. Jean François Darlan, who,
along with Pierre Laval, was among the most notorious of the
Vichy collaborationists with the Nazis, Langer wrote: "Darlan's
henchmen were not confined to the fleet. His policy of
collaboration with Germany could count on more than enough
eager supporters among French industrial and banking
interests—in short, among those who even before the war, had
turned to Nazi Germany and had looked to Hitler as the savior
of Europe from Communism.... These people were as good fascists
as any in Europe.... Many of them had long had extensive and
intimate business relations with German interests and were
still dreaming of a new system of 'synarchy,' which meant
government of Europe on fascist principles by an international
brotherhood of financiers and industrialists."
EIR is in possession of many of the documents that Langer
reviewed, in preparing Our Vichy Gamble. They offer an in-depth
study of a fascist apparatus, whose European-wide tentacles
extended into France, Germany, Britain, Spain, Italy, the
Netherlands—and, across the Atlantic, inside the United States.
One particularly revealing document, prepared by the
Coordinator of Information in November 1940, focussed on the
Synarchist strategy towards England and America. The document
was called, "Synarchie and the Policy of the Banque Worms
Group."
The unnamed author began, "In recent reports there have been
several references to the growing political power of the Banque
Worms group in France, which includes amongst its members such
ardent collaborationists as Pucheu, Benoist-Mechin,
Leroy-Ladurie, Bouthillier, and representatives of big French
industrial organizations." Under the subtitle, "Similarity of
aims of 'Synarchie' and Banque Worms," the report continued,
"The reactionary movement known as 'Synarchie' has been in
existence in France for nearly a century. Its aim has always
been to carry out a bloodless revolution, inspired by the upper
classes, aimed at producing a form of government by
'technicians,' under which home and foreign policy would be
subordinated to international economy. The aims of the Banque
Worms group are the same as those of 'Synarchie,' and the
leaders of the two groups are, in most cases, identical."
The "Banque Worms group" was closely allied with the Lazard
banking interests in Paris, London, and New York, and with
Royal Dutch Shell's Henri Deterding. Hippolyte Worms, the
bank's founder, was one of 12 initial Synarchist Movement of
Empire (SME) members, according to other French police and
intelligence reports.
The report itemized the aims of the Synarchists, as of August
1940: "to check any new social schemes which might tend to
weaken the power of the international financiers and
industrialists; to work for the ultimate complete control of
all industry by international finance and industry; to protect
Jewish and Anglo-Saxon interests; ... to take advantage of
Franco-German collaboration to conclude a series of agreements
with German industries, thereby establishing a solid community
of interests between French and German industrialists, which
will tend to strengthen the hands of international finance and
industry; ... to effect a fusion with Anglo-Saxon industry
after the war."
The author of the COI study reported, "There is reason to
believe that both [Hermann] Göring and Dr. [Walther] Funk are
in sympathy with these aspirations," and that "Some headway is
claimed to have been made in securing the adhesion of big U.S.
industry to the movement."
Beaverbrook and Hoare
The COI study's segment regarding "Policy in regard to Great
Britain," elaborated the following Synarchist plan: "To bring
about the fall of the Churchill Government by creating the
belief in the country that a more energetic government is
needed to prosecute the war; it is recognized that an effective
means of creating suspicion of the Government's efficiency
would be to induce the resignation of Lord Beaverbrook; to
bring about the formation of a new Government including Sir
Samuel Hoare, Lord Beaverbrook and Mr. Hore-Belisha. (Note. The
source has added that in the Worms group it is believed that
those circles in Great Britain who are favorably disposed to
their plan, are most critical of Mr. Churchill, Lord Halifax
and Captain Margesson.); through the medium of Sir Samuel Hoare
to bring about an agreement between British industry and the
Franco-German 'bloc'; to protect Anglo-Saxon interests on the
continent; to reach an agreement for the cessation of the
reciprocal bombing of industrial centers. (Note. The source has
added that Göring is reputed to have signified his entire
approval of this project.)"
The naming of Lord Beaverbrook and Sir Samuel Hoare, two
leading figures in the British Roundtable group, as Synarchist
collaborators is of great significance, indicating that
American intelligence, from no later than 1940, was tracking
the high-level British involvement in the scheme for a postwar
universal fascist "Europe of the oligarchs," along precisely
the lines spelled out in Count Coudenhove-Kalergi's
"Synarchist" manifesto, founding the Pan European Union.
Indeed, other U.S. intelligence wartime documents identified
the PEU as a project of the European Synarchist secret
brotherhood. The Synarchist Movement of Empire (SME), according
to various accounts in the wartime U.S. files, was founded in
1917 or 1922, and the first two major "projects" of the
Synarchists were Mussolini's March on Rome and the launching of
the Pan Europa movement.
Back on the British front: Sir Samuel Hoare was a leading
figure in British intelligence, having been posted to Russia
during the period of the Bolshevik Revolution, where he had a
personal hand in the assassination of Grigori Rasputin, after
Rasputin had warned that Russian participation in World War I
would surely lead to the fall of the Romanovs. Hoare was the
leading British military intelligence case-officer for
instigating the overthrow of the Tsar and the Russian
Revolution. He personified the upper echelons of what U.S.
intelligence files characterized as the
"Synarchist/Nazi-Communist" group. In his capacity as Foreign
Secretary in 1935, he had negotiated the Hoare-Laval agreement,
by which Great Britain and France mutually accepted Mussolini's
conquest by invasion of Abyssinia, a major act of appeasement.
He later served as British ambassador to Francisco Franco's
Spain, and, according to several biographical accounts,
remained secretly on Lord Beaverbrook's payroll as a policy
advisor. Hoare, later "Lord Templewood," was also a leading
British promoter of Frank Buchman and the Moral Rearmament
Movement, the antecedent to Rev. Sun Myung Moon's Unification
Church (see EIR, Dec. 20, 2002).
The case of Lord Beaverbrook (Max Aitken) has even more
profound and enduring implications, given that two of the
leading financial-political propagandists for today's
neo-conservative revolution in Washington—press magnates Lord
Conrad Black and Rupert Murdoch—are Beaverbrook protégés. The
Australian Murdoch, on graduating Oxford, did an apprenticeship
at Beaverbrook's London Daily Express, which Murdoch referred
affectionately to as "Beaverbrook's brothel."
For Black, the connection ran deeper—through the wartime
British secret intelligence high command. Conrad Black's
father, George Montagu Black, worked directly under the
Beaverbrook chain of command during World War II, when
Beaverbrook was Minister of Aircraft Production, and when Black
and Edward Plunkett Taylor ran the Canadian front company War
Supplies, Ltd. out of the Willard Hotel in Washington,
coordinating all British-American-Canadian military procurement
arrangements. The $1.3 billion garnered by Taylor and Black
from their wartime "private" arms deals provided the seed money
for G.M. Black's postwar launching of the Argus Corp., which,
today, is the Hollinger Corp. media cartel of Conrad Black.
Beaverbrook's transformation, from a leading promoter of an
Anglo-German alliance following Hitler's takeover, to a leading
war cabinet official, following Hitler's attack on Britain, was
nothing short of miraculous. In 1935, when Hoare had conducted
the secret negotiations with Laval, Beaverbrook had accompanied
the Foreign Secretary on the trip and conducted his own
back-channel work to assure positive media coverage of the deal
in both England and France. That year, Beaverbrook traveled to
Rome and Berlin for personal meetings with Mussolini and
Hitler. A year later, Beaverbrook was the guest of Hitler's
Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, at the Munich Olympic
Games.
But the most famous part that Beaverbrook played in the Hitler
saga, had to do with the 1933 Reichstag fire—the arson attack
on the Weimar Republic's parliament—which consolidated Hitler's
death grip on absolute power. Beaverbrook had posted a trusted
aide, Sefton Delmer, in charge of his Daily Express press
bureau in Berlin, and Delmer had become a confidant of Hitler,
traveling with him on the campaign trail during the 1933
elections. Delmer was one of the first "journalists" to arrive
as the Reichstag burned, and his dispatch from the
scene—complete with exclusive interviews with Hitler, Göring,
and others—established the cover for the actual Nazi authors of
the terror attack, which sealed Hitler's dictatorship. Delmer,
in a 1939 article recounting the incident, stuck to his story,
which countered the majority of the world media coverage, and
blamed the fire on a communist—not on the Nazis.
Beaverbrook—even after his "Damascus road conversion" to war
cabinet minister—retained his ties to the Nazi machine. When
Nazi leader Rudolph Hess parachuted into Scotland, in a final
vain effort to maintain the Anglo-Nazi alliance against the
Soviet Union, Beaverbrook arranged a private prison interview
with Hess. Details of the session are still sketchy, but one
quote to emerge from the meeting, was Hess telling Beaverbrook:
"Hitler likes you a great deal."
'Synarchism' Defined
Among the thousands of documents that EIR obtained from the
U.S. wartime archives was an 18-page French military
intelligence report, summarizing a 100-page dossier on the
French Synarchist groups, dated July 1941. The report dealt
with the Synarchist Movement of Empire (SME), the Synarchist
Revolutionary Convention (SRC) and the Secret Committee of
Revolutionary Action (SCRA), the military leadership arm of the
SME, also known as the "Cagoulards" (the "hooded ones").
The report provided a brief history: "The Synarchist movement
is an international movement born after the Versailles Treaty,
which was financed and directed by certain financial groups
belonging to the top international banking community. Its aim
is essentially to overthrow in every country, where they exist,
the parliamentary regimes which are considered insufficiently
devoted to the interests of these groups and therefore, too
difficult to control because of the number of persons required
to control them.
"SME proposes therefore to substitute them by authoritarian
regimes more docile and more easily manueverable. Power would
be concentrated in the hands of the CEOs of industry and in
designated representatives of chosen banking groups for each
country. In a word, the idea is to give to each country a
political constitution and an appropriate national economic
structure organized for the following purposes:
"1. Place the political power directly into the hands of chosen
people and eliminate all intermediaries. 2. Establish a maximum
concentration of industries and suppress all unwarranted
competition. 3. Establish an absolute control of prices of all
goods (raw materials, semi-finished or finished goods). 4.
Create judicial and social institutions that would prevent all
extremes of action."
The dossier reported that, following failed Cagoulard
insurrections in 1934 and 1937, the SME infiltrated all the
economic and related ministries of the French government,
conducted sabotage from within the regime, and set the basis
for the Vichy government of 1940, which was dominated, from top
to bottom, by Synarchist secret society members. The report
named 40 top officials of the government of Marshal Henri
Philippe Pétain, who were all SME members.
The dossier repeatedly emphasized that the French SME was but
one component of an international Synarchist apparatus,
"organized and financed in all countries by certain elements of
industrial CEOs and high banking circles. Its objective on the
international level is to subvert all of the democratic regimes
in the world, and substitute them with stronger governments,
more docile and whose leaders of command in each nation are
centralized in the hands of a number of affiliates belonging to
big business and international banking interests which
coordinate their activities around the world." In France, under
the Vichy regime, noted the dossier, "the main administrations
of the country, have become the arms of Bank Worms whose
administrative council controls all of the top administrators
of the state."
The Synarchists did not concentrate all their efforts on
infiltrating and controlling the Vichy regime. A U.S. military
intelligence report, dated July 27, 1944, from the military
attaché in Algiers, warned of Synarchist penetration of the
upper echelons of the Free French government of Gen. Charles de
Gaulle, headquartered in Algeria. "Some of the oldest and
formerly most faithful supporters of General de Gaulle are
worried by what they call a tendency to let 'Synarchism'
penetrate even the highest brackets of the Algiers
Administration," the report began. "It is believed that General
de Gaulle up to recently, opposed Synarchism, which is a
strongly reactionary movement, financed by the Haute Banque. He
has even ordered a confidential study to be made on the
subject, a copy of which has been seen by American officers."
The report concluded, "If it is a fact that many individuals
who are holding positions of importance in the cabinet and the
immediate entourage of General de Gaulle, are also closely
associated with political ideas alien to the program which de
Gaulle and his government publicly endorse, then far-reaching
political inferences may be drawn." Of course, a decade later,
leading wartime "Gaullist" Jacques Soustelle would launch the
Secret Army Organization (OAS), which would be responsible for
repeated assassination attempts against de Gaulle, and would be
implicated in the Permindex assassination of President John F.
Kennedy.
While it is not certain that Soustelle was a wartime member of
the Synarchist plot, it is certain, from French and American
government records, that one leading Synarchist operative
infiltrated into the de Gaulle Free French camp was Robert
Marjolin, one of Alexandre Kojève's prize student/protégés of
his 1933-39 courses on Hegel, Nietzsche, and the "end of
history." Marjolin became Minister of Economy in the first de
Gaulle postwar government, and he immediately brought Kojève
into the ministry.
The Cult of Napoleon
At its core, the Synarchist international—like its front group
Pan European Union—sought to create a one-world tyranny,
modeled on the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte. The first
"Synarchist" text was written in the 1860s by Joseph Alexandre
Saint-Yves d'Alveydre (1842-1909), an occultist and follower of
Napoleon Bonaparte's own mystical advisor, Antoine Fabre
d'Olivet (1767-1825). Fabre d'Olivet had started out as a
leading member of the Jacobins, participating personally in the
foiled assassination plot against King Louis XVI in 1789. He
later served as a top official of the Interior and War
Ministries under Napoleon Bonaparte. His occult writings about
"purgative violence" and the "will to power"—antecedents of the
works of Nietzsche—were adopted by Saint-Yves d'Alveydre, who
launched the idea of Synarchism as a counter to the anarchy
that had destabilized all of Europe, from 1648.
Saint-Yves' successor, Gerard Vincent Encausse ("Papus"),
founded the Saint-Yves School of Occult Sciences, and began a
recruiting drive for a secret society, which he called the
Synarchy Government. In his 1894 book Anarchie, Indolence &
Synarchie, Papus spelled out an ambitious scheme to recruit all
of the leaders of industry, commerce, finance, the military,
and academia, to a single power scheme, aimed at destroying the
"internal microbe" of society, anarchy.
Both Saint-Yves and Papus envisioned a global Synarchist
empire, divided into five geographic areas: 1. the British
Empire; 2. Euro-Africa; 3. Eurasia; 4. Pan-America; 5. Asia.
Indeed, Alexandre Kojève is identified in Russian sources as a
leader of the so-called "Eurasians," a group of Russian emigrés
in the 1920s Berlin and Paris, led by Sir Samuel Hoare's
Guchkov and tied into the Soviet secret service project called
"the Trust." The "Eurasians" welcomed the Russian Revolution as
a purgative force to wipe out corrupt Western civilization.
Kojève's own cosmology of great tyrants counted Josef Stalin
and Adolf Hitler as second only to Napoleon, in achieving the
"end of history" goal of a true global tyranny.
Strauss, Kojève, Schmitt, and Schacht
While none of the American archive documents reviewed to date
by EIR identify Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt as a Synarchist,
circumstantial evidence points to that conclusion. Schmitt was
an emissary to Spain, Portugal, France, and Italy, during the
height of fascism, turning out a series of juridical documents,
justifying the jackboot tyrannies. Schmitt was a protected
asset of Göring, the leading Synarchist figure in Nazi Germany.
Like the banker Hjalmar Schacht, Schmitt was cleared of war
crimes by the Nuremberg Tribunals.
In effect, as documented in The Hitler Book, Schacht
blackmailed the Tribunal, by aggressively asserting that he was
only acting on behalf of the international financial
establishment, represented by the Bank for International
Settlements, in his incarnation as a top Nazi official. If
backed against a wall, he threatened, he would provide evidence
of the international financial cabal behind the "Hitler
project." Schacht was acquitted, over the strenuous objections
of both the American and Soviet judges.
In effect, the perpetrators of the Nazi Holocaust were brought
to justice at Nuremberg, while the architects of the larger
Synarchist scheme, like Schacht and Leo Strauss' mentor Carl
Schmitt, were given a safe conduct, and, through the efforts of
postwar occupation figures like John J. McCloy and Gen. William
Draper, were vetted for future service.
A final note: In 1955, Schmitt was corresponding with Kojève,
arranging for the Paris-based Russian emigré to address the
Düsseldorf industrialists' association—which had been a focal
point of Franco-German "Synarchist" collaboration between the
Nazi and Vichy governments—and meet, during that visit, with
Schmitt's close friend Schacht.
It was this Kojève who maintained the closest collaboration
with Leo Strauss, and who promoted his theories of purgative
violence and universal tyranny with such leading Strauss
disciples as Allan Bloom (the mentor of Deputy Defense
Secretary Paul Wolfowitz) and Francis Fukuyama. This Synarchist
stew remains Vice President Dick Cheney's gang's "French
Connection."
—Al and Rachel Douglas, Katherine Kantor, Pierre and Irene
Boudry, Anton Chaitkin, Stephanie Ezrol, Helga Zepp-LaRouche,
and Barbara Boyd contributed vital research to this article.